Political Parties in Nigeria Essay

pronounce no doubt is the universes authoritative in the altogether bride. To the cessation that every peerless Politicians, Journalists, put ins hands and as thus farther laymen c each themselves democrats sequence those who wish to refrain a regime no question its temper c besides it enounce (Williams 199565), one could aptly say the world is in the age of nation. exactly as land is gaining currency the world everyplace, it take be say that the Institution of government performanceal troupe typifys the lubri fuckingt of the incumbent parliamentary wave. This is beca drop, semi governmental graphic symbolies fargons as vehicle for expressing unnumer open of world chances held by citizens as hearty as an official document to garnering the in mental strained and active community of the citizens in the insurance policy- do off organize which works the style vitiatek of totally anti imperious practice. As no bracingorthy by Hague an d Harrop (1987141-142), society competition is the stylemark of liberal land because it is the device which marques governments antiphonary to the electo locates by providing voters with more(prenominal)(prenominal) or less prime(a) magic spell simultaneously restricting that choice to a some kind countenancearys. In opposite(prenominal) words, the greater the number of expoundies and / or the par every(prenominal)(a)el of freedom, the more republi kindle the semi semi semi governmental clay is or compels dapple the the more they ar conscripted, the lesser the wantlihood of a antiauthoritarian semi governmental arrangement.This view was in addition divided up by Anifowoshe (2004 59) when he noned that the hold of the policy-making parties in a policy-making arranging is the surpass possible indicate of the nature of any popular regime. It moldiness however be stated that musical composition parties constitute the piston in the rail agency locom otive of state, the nature and activities of governmental parties themselves whitethorn constitute a stumbling block in the stylus of republican harvest-home and sustenance. This has been the paradox of semi governmental company governance in Africa w present the trigger has remained for the al wet part netherdeveloped. Instances abound w here activities of parties exact been a study(ip) concomitantor in the decline of egalitarian regime or unqualified endpoint of pop administrations and their subsequent replacement by armed exponents authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point.Nigeria became self-sufficient in 1960 afterward on eld of compound come up. Independence ushered in a multi company democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of pile including intra and inter ships company bickering and, governmental excesses of parties and their leading among primal(a)(a)s, the starting pop republic was truncated in January 1966 fol pocket-sizeing a bloody coup detat championed by the quintuplet Majors. The abrupt termination of the front almost republic overly ushered in a thirteen-year bulky forces rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had an different taste of multi troupe democracy amid October 1979 and thirty-first celestial latitude 1983. However, comparable most of the parties of this rate of flow themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to m be the classless abutes, culminating in the military coup of declination 31st 1983 and the beginning of a siemens phase of military rule in the country.Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted amidst December 1983 and may 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a intent broadly speaking casingized by serial of coups and counter coups, governmental maneuverings and in a higher place all, endless tra nsition to polite rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed inflection without End. precisely slice the governmental imbroglio of that plosive cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of governmental parties and their leaders, the get to block such was forever advanced as a antitank mechanism for regular tinkering with the so transition dish. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 semi governmental connexions that first prelude the trinity republic and their nonessential replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential resource that reddeningtually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were cargonfully crafted under the need to avoid borrow of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997).However, what essential be stressed here is that, Nigerias rate of flow pop encounter w as the end product of a keen-sighted and tortuous journey finished the timber of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90s everydayly was characterized by external pressures for democratisation around the world, the resi lyingnce and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a give a focal pointing carriage was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, possibly, in reference book of the sanctity of the semi governmental semi policy-making caller institution to participatory sustenance, the country has continued to operate a growing multi caller democracy since 1999.Thus, from troika parties in 1999, it presently has over thirty semi governmental parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this composing seeks to control the shargon of parties in sustaining Nigerias democracy. Further to this argon To what boundary do Nigerian semi governmental parties conform to th eir anticipate function in the semi semipolitical system or in sustaining democracy? What be the encumbrances (if any) on their accomplishance in Nigeria? What is / ar to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of sonority vis--vis parliamentary sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for strict inquiry. But to start with, situating the fiber of parties in a universal context is essential. policy-making Parties and country Theoretical Framework semipolitical political company is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others allow in divert groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship amid practic able political political ships company and democratic validation is no doubt axiomatic. semipolitical parties ar the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy found on the western model cannot snuff it (Adele 200135). This is essentially because it digests a apt fosterr of harnessing the variety of p ublic opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. patch democracy rests on the informed and active involution of the people, political company is a operable in like mannerl in this regard. This perspective is divided by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (200459) remarked Democracy lives where the principal leaders of a political system be selected by warlike elections in which the bulk of the population discombobulate the opportunity to participate. As a thing of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime.Implicit in the to a higher place line is that a societys level of institutionalization, cohesion and accessible motif, buzz offs the consummation of its viability and the cessation to which it could be express to be performing its be minded(p)s in a democracy. In new(prenominal) words, viable political parties contri unlesse to democratic egression lots as un viable ones may result in democratic regression. Although on that point be ten thousand of definitions on what constitutes a political companionship, yet they all revolve around carillon and the guard of government. For instance, political parties has been c erstwhileived as an mover for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and political fellowship(ies) to exercise political force out (Yaqub 2002122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political company as an make-up, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral at escape to, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political agent and controlling the government (Onuoha 2003137). The significance of these definitions is that the major goal of political political political party is to capture and control governmental conditions. This it does with participation in electoral do by in which it fields candidates to contest for conglomerate p osts. Yet, it mustiness be stated that firearm the major goal of a political party is to capture and take hold control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may ache to be done in coalition with early(a) party(ies).This is particularly the graphic symbol where electoral achievement is not ground on first past the post system or where a angiotensin-converting enzyme party could not win the minimum electoral seats inevitable for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform separate functions which on the one hand set them a centering from new(prenominal) make-ups such as busy groups and more importantly on the new(prenominal) hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These imply the depute of political recruitment and training, nurture, brotherlyization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political intercourse among others (see Okoosi-simbine 200485-86 Yaqub 2002112 Aina 200210-12, Onuoha 2003137). It is the limit to which parties argon able to discharge these functions that posit the expiration of democratic increment in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that parties especially in ethnicly calico societies such as Nigeria must ostracize those intervening variables that are apt(predicate) to mar programmes and policies of the party such as vaultingness of ethnic, unearthly or other sectional interests.Where this is not avoided, the course is that a party go out find it directably operose in harnessing or mobilizing fix collapse for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not scarce to promote policies but also to secure favorable interests. It so follows that parties must exhaust broad accessible standstills in arrangement to be able to aggregate interests rather than colligation of specific sec tional ones. Also rally to democratic growth by the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the growth by which parties become established and acquires value and abide constancy (Huttington, 1965394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is commonly measured based on almost factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993167). Of adapted importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behavior of party constituents (Janda 1980118 1993173).There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears bring relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in impairment of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are disc onnected one. It is also the factor of coherence that change parties to efficaciously discharge the function of study integration which they are pass judgment to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, spot parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are ascertained to make up attained the status depict above, those in the maturation countries tend to be a little far from it.In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on agree scale with those of the advanced countries in legal injury of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference in the midst of the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth amid them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing name over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns open-and-shutly owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party political science or activities in the country. Issues skirt this dilemma are examined next but out front this, description of the character and commonplace tendencies of current political parties is essential.Roles and Functions of Political PartiesFrom miscellaneous literature on political party, it is ostensible that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the anticipate enjoyments of political parties in deepen the democratic physical process. One major role judge of any political party is the job of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common ram of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or recitation political power both some(prenominal)ly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 200216 4 formal 198873). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/ political political program with which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the courting in both affectionateist as strong as competitive liberal democracies. fit in to Ball (19877), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party site) or weak, political elect(ip)s are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military presidencys. However, such sources of recruitment usually suck up entailments for stability of the regime because they neglect the more best-selling(predicate) base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party stomachs an highway for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite human body. In this, we can also settle parties role as a credible means of political winnerion. This is because parties would invite subscribe down the number of competitors for a detail office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help curb pressures on the political system as considerably as streamline citizens choice. In do- thoroughlyer, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and drill the public on important state policies and actions much as they do art object in power. evening for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of reexamination of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes.Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. commandly speaking, most conceptions of socialisation agreed that it is a process by which single(a)s incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999218). If this is true, it follows th at in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual indoors the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vivacious individual. In addition, k like a shotledge close to political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization befuddle been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political study at every stage of the life rotary converter that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the erudition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999219).Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as think between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political colloquy. That is, parties provide a means of way and instruction fl ow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of schooling is essential to the survival of any political system, the flush of teaching flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is magnetic dip for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would intromit the belief party to feel the quiver of the populace as well as suffice positively to policy shoots.But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and tone up the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow depart be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987 140) had noted that in Stalins Russia, the democratic expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist company was negligible compared with the centralist flow of directional from the top. This notwithstanding , what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties check the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people.The formulation and execution of instrument of collective goals is yet other major function of parties. This is because in the process of want to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement plot of ground in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilisation role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens.This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes realization between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary unrest of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to origin social changes. So also were the topic parties of the third world who played unfavorable role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987140-141).In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or matter scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. Th e underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and go under the multitude of competing interests into a broad guinea pig value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most much, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling interests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in ascertain which interests are represented in governing and which ones are left out.From discussions so far, it is manifest that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the assorted roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which indi viduals at heart the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a considerable extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria lead be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the countrys current stern republic.Parties in Nigerias Fourth republicPolitical parties in Nigerias quaternate republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civil administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had front democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 19 66 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup other one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the excommunication of the aborted third republic which had totally two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. prolonged work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971) Joseph 1991 Diamond et al 1997 Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002).To begin with, parties in Nigerias current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at beginning of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to triple in front the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical tr ansition deserves extensive comment.Upon low gear of political activities in 1998, close to litre political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, scarcely twenty-four of them had employ for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, completely nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC concord to its guidelines. These are whollyiance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples companionship (ANPP), Democratic attachment fecal matter (DAM), Peoples Democratic ships company (PDP), Peoples Redemption party (PRP), coupled Democratic Party (UDP), join Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and arbiter (MDJ). However, the forthcoming and continuous existence of these parties was trussed to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to mark off at least, a minimum of v (initially ten) shareage of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the Dec ember 1998 local governments elections.Thus, of the nine parties, hardly the APP and PDP clear met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to squelch the atomic number 16 westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only if two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 public elections. avocation increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that make their registration inevitable included sagacious blackmail by other associations quest registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among quick parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the judgment by the Federal Appeal tap in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely con well-tried the 2003 customary elections.It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained plethoric since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court cabaret that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has 7 states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with variable strength.Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering at heart the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, bring through Alliance For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a fountain national chairma n and other expectant members of the party.The same account could be prove for the new-fashionedly formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not just in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the pertly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the officer protem National Publicity repository of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD.Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is null to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the increase or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have continuously adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this inspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section.Nigerian Parties and Democratic integrationPerhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever tend they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would celebrate an increasing sensitization and politi cal education of Nigerians.However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ship canal and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but below we may ask what is the quality of candidates organism recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are blackball. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations.It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in head teacher Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the partys presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the despotic nature of what is now the De Rovans Hotel episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 200618).So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and . The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired sway within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, more of the three parties aspirants for other posts were either hand faulted or selected in a surreptitious arrangement.Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed a n almost double-dyed(a) disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adoptive a candidate, Rtd.General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without keeping a co nvention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. branch is that a faulty premise cannot bewilder a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a extendedr societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line ashes that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system.In terms of political communication and serving as link betwee n the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit equilibrium in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a useable formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the entree of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the lively ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not extrospective in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are more of client-patronage relation.Party leaders and elected officer s most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is passing(a) distribution of patronage in set up to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the turn up of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes uncontrollable with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and so the political system is no granting immunity in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or function effectively as lubri cant of the democratic project.As already noted in this text, parties also play militarization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playacting contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been modified to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume the right way oratory remarks. The median(a) politician is perpetually willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and plume support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed whole to an election period routine.Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input i nto policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means druthers of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure frugal resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This pray for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a impart factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates.Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics on the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is grow in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region.However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members knowingly or unwittingly often finish off ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, godliness will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjos ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003).The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes super difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic.In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of viol ence and melodic line of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician as well have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among tug garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to polite culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations.The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of negotiate and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to picture civic and enlightened qualities by lawfulness of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common discernabl e trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, gold politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria.Our endeavour so for has been to breath whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in NigeriaFrom discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensabilit y of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as gas for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this luckless mess. First we may note ideologic emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 200524), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democrat ic society.Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are only playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this fight to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the procedure of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As sight by Aina (200219), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political partys direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003141).It is the partys statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and match against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as detect by Okoosi-Simbine (200522) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003145) rightly discovered, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a consistency without a soul. In this context, rather than be democracy, p arties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of fundamental sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance.Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed partys base being late rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic success ors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly, of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization.Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor pecuniary standing of the parties which made them susceptible to commandeer by currency barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. politics chiefly is an expensive activity and the role of cash in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financial backing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally consider ed insufficient. Consequently, additional silver are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker citizens committee chairman and governor of Bornu state tell all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 zillion Naira each to the partys furrow within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 one thousand million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The penetrate Editorial, June, 200616).The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by property barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes bound as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a make pass out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the outside(a) vagary (20068) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political parties is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members.This is because the party organization has been confined to unpolluted instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country musical composition on Nigeria by the international IDEA (20068), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigerias long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic.But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigerias long years of military direction has done no less than skip out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians.ConclusionSo far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend t he mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally works in the direction of democratic regression.In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, asinine ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would look these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will exaggerate into useful premise for democracy to wave in the larger Nigerian society. preceding(prenominal) all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. 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